Curious Phrasing, Mr. Appel
Posted on | August 19, 2010 | 12 Comments
“In my experience, liberal think tanks and intellectuals dominate most domestic issues while conservative think tanks and intellectuals dominate foreign policy. . . . Democrats have traditionally held an advantage on domestic issues while Republicans have traditionally held an advantage on foreign policy. The intelligentsia of both parties reflect this divide.”
– Patrick Appel, The Atlantic
The terms here that draw immediate attention are “dominate” and “advantage.” Does Appel mean that the intellectuals whom he designates as dominating are more persuasive or better informed? And what of Democrats’ “traditional advantage” on domestic issues? Did this help Jimmy Carter in 1980, Mondale in 1984, or Dukakis in 1988?
More recently, the 2000 election was fought almost entirely on domestic issues and, had it not been for a late-breaking DUI “scandal” against Bush, it’s doubtful Al Gore would have won the popular vote that year. Grant that in the 2002-04 cycles Republicans won primarily on foreign-policy terrain, but don’t forget those “values voters” whose allegiance to the GOP was principally a matter of domestic cultural or social issues. In the 2006-08 cycles, of course, the backlash against Bushism was the major trend, driven in large measure by war-weariness, although John McCain’s economic ineptitude (i.e., his frantic support for the unpopular “Bush bailout”) was ultimately decisive in the 2008 campaign.
All of which is to say that Appel’s talk about partisan domination and advantages on areas of policy doesn’t necessarily match the political record and, perhaps more important, doesn’t tell us who is right.
For example, if it is true that conservatives “dominated” and Republicans “held an advantage” in foreign policy during the 2001-’04 time-frame, then it proved a mixed blessing in the long run, as the failure (or at least, perceived failure) of Bush-era foreign policy was deeply implicated in the GOP “brand damage” problem that now haunts Republicans.
So a policy that is politically popular in the short term may bring disaster in the long term and, I hasten to add, it’s entirely possible a policy may both right and unpopular.
Morever, the interaction between politics and policy is such that policy is never purely a matter of who’s got the best ideas. The wrongheadedness of LBJ’s “Great Society” programs, or of Nixon’s wage-and-price control policies, were pointed out by insightful critics at the time but the advocates of good policy did not have sufficient political influence to prevent enactment of bad policy.
Nowadays, of course, demographic trends (especially a burgeoning Hispanic population) so favor Democrats that their party’s long-cherished policy goals are being enacted not because arguments for those policies have suddenly been recognized as factually superior, but rather because they’ve got the votes.
And this returns us to the earlier colloquy with David Frum, who asserts the supremacy of policy (“governance”) over politics. You can’t govern without a majority, you see, and so without successful Republican politics, talk of Republican policy is . . . just talk.
In their present minority status, then, Republicans are compelled to follow the advice of Jennifer Rubin: “The opposition party must oppose.”
Specific policy proposals are less necessary to Republicans now than is the imperative to constantly explain how the policies of Democrats are wrong and harmful, combined with a pledge to stop and (where possible) reverse those policies if elected.
The essential political idea is this: After more than 18 months of “Yes, We Can,” Americans are ready for a healthy dose of ”Oh, Hell No, You Won’t!”
How that translates into Frum’s “governance” will be determined after Nov. 2 — a bridge to be crossed when (and if) we get there.
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