Rachel Maddow vs. Rand Paul: Intellectual Terrorism and ‘Civil Rights’
Posted on | May 20, 2010 | 46 Comments
Here’s the video:
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David Weigel has some interesting analysis:
So is Rand Paul a racist? No, and it’s irritating to watch his out-of-context quotes . . . splashed on the Web to make that point. Paul believes, as many conservatives believe, that the government should ban bias in all of its institutions but cannot intervene in the policies of private businesses.
Now, few conservatives would go as far as Paul. In an essay just this month on the thought of William F. Buckley, Lee Edwards criticized Buckley’s belief “that the federal enforcement of integration was worse than the temporary continuation of segregation.”
“As a result of National Review’s above-the-fray philosophizing,” wrote Edwards, “and Barry Goldwater’s vote, on constitutional grounds, against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the albatross of racism was hung around the neck of American conservatism and remained there for decades and even to the present.” . . .
David’s got the complete transcript of the Maddow/Paul interview. As much respect as I have for the great conservative historian Lee Edwards, I will risk “the albatross of racism” by siding with Buckley and Goldwater and — though Edwards doesn’t mention this — Ronald Reagan.
One of the rallying points of California conservatives in the early 1960s was opposition to the Rumford Fair Housing Act, a 1963 state law that banned racial discrimination in housing. Considering this an unjust and unnecessary intrusion on property rights — an attempt to mandate how people bought and sold their homes — conservatives supported Proposition 14, to overturn the new law. Proposition 14 passed with a 2-to-1 majority, although it was subsequently overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Reagan opposed the Rumford law and supported Proposition 14. Given that the 1964 Civil Rights Act incorporated the same kind of housing anti-discrimination measures as the Rumford law, it is therefore not surprising that Goldwater opposed the federal law — or that Reagan was Goldwater’s strongest advocate.
Nearly a half-century after that controversy, shall we retroactively pronounce Buckley, Reagan and Goldwater “racists”? And shall we impugn Rand Paul for “above-the-fray philosophizing” in daring to defend the policy stances taken by these icons of conservatism who are, after all, not alive to defend themselves?
Well, it’s still a free country, and you are free to throw Buckley, Reagan and Goldwater under the bus along with Rand Paul. I am equally free, however, to say that in discussing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 we must consider not only the direct effects of the law — the abolition of Jim Crow — but also its indirect effects.
Don’t conservatives believe that many problems in American society are unintended consequences of well-intentioned liberal legislation? What is the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977 – heavily implicated in the mortgage crisis – except a logical extension of the Civil Rights Act’s effort to eliminate discrimination in housing?
All conservatives now recognize the harm done by the constant playing of the race card in political discourse. But we have also seen in the recent health-care debate how liberals likewise love to play the “reform” card: Support this specific law, or else you are ”anti-reform.”
This is not new, and liberals were playing the same game with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, so that everyone who opposed the bill was accused of being an apologist for Jim Crow. And Rand Paul is now being excoriated for being honest enough to say that this was unfair, that whatever the benefits of abolishing Jim Crow, there were unintended consequences to the 1964 law — consequences that were to some extent foreseen by Buckley, Goldwater and Reagan – that still merit critical discussion.
Maddow’s badgering of Rand Paul amounts to an attempt to render off-limits the controversies of the past, to require that everyone endorse a progressive conception of history. As Clifton says, Paul is being forced into a Catch-22:
If Paul says he fully supports how the feds forced the private sector to end segregation he loses libertarian street cred, but by only supporting the results of the Civil Rights Act and not the actual legislation, Paul gives the left room to paint him as a racist.
What is at work here is a sort of intellectual terrorism, not just an effort to portray Rand Paul as a bigot, but to wield the accusation of racism as a weapon to intimidate anyone who dares challenge the progressive worldview.
Here is where wise men must perceive the totalitarian implications of political correctness, the Orwellian “memory hole,” the demand for conformity of thought, Trotsky airbrushed from the old Bolshevik photos. This argument is not really about racism, and it is not merely about Rand Paul or a single Republican campaign in Kentucky. Rather, it is about defending intellectual freedom from the bullies of the Left who arrogate to themselves the authority to decide what people can or cannot say in public discourse.
Conservatives must resolve to stand united against this kind of bullying treatment — to denounce it as an intellectually dishonest enterprise — or they shall eventually find that there is no remainder of the American tradition worth conserving.
“[T]ruth is great and will prevail if left to herself . . . she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict, unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free argument and debate, errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them.”
– Thomas Jefferson, Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom (1786)
“Let the others turn away. . . . They fear being ridiculed by the intelligentsia and allow the abuses to continue. They fear the mob as an excuse to avoid action. These are the people who, afraid to risk their reputation for rational thought, avoid rational conclusions. They seek some middle ground where they risk nothing and others do their chores.”
– T.L. Davis, The Constitutionalist (2010)
UPDATE: One of the commenters evidently wants to get me into a fight with my friend Dan Riehl — an invitation I’m not going to accept. Dan was rightly concerned from the outset about the efforts of some conservative to use Rand Paul’s candidacy to undermine Mitch McConnell in the Senate. Point taken.
With friends on both sides of the Kentucky GOP primary, I did not take sides — thinking it best to let Kentuckians fight it out amongst themselves – and was surprised by Sarah Palin’s intervention. Having now crossed this bridge, however, conservatives must fight the fight we are in and not waste time wishing we had met the enemy on some other field.
Dan’s I-told-you-so is valid, as is his comment that “Paul doesn’t have the good political sense to stop fighting” — or, as I would say, the sense to shift the fight onto more defensible terrain. If Paul or his supporters are “whining about principle,” to borrow Dan’s phrase, that’s not an effective political strategy.
Turn the enemy’s attack against him — rhetorical ju-jitsu. A static defense, a stubborn insistence that you are right, is not nearly so effective as the counterattack that shows your opponent is wrong.
Rachel Maddow and the Left in general are attempting to limit the scope of debate and define the terms to their own advantage, so that they get to decide who is or is not a “racist.” Americans are sick and tired of seeing accusations of racism tossed around willy-nilly like this, and if Rand Paul would confront this tactic head-on — exposing as invalid the rhetorical gamesmanship involved — he would emerge fromn the fight as a hero to many Kentucky voters, especially independents and conservative-leaning Democrats.
Rather than whining or acting defensively indignant (“How dare you call me a racist!”), focus the counterattack on the Left’s dishonest tactic of defining “racism” in a way that shuts off meaningful political debate and categorically stigmatizes conservatives.

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