Let’s See If We Can Clear That Up For Dr. Krauthammer

by Smitty

Dr. Krauthammer, via The Corner, emphasis mine.

On Mexican President Felipe Calderon’s criticism of the Arizona immigration law:

Well, I’m sort of offended when the president of Mexico says, criticizing the Arizona law: ‘It’s placing our people in the face of discrimination.’ If they’re his people, what are they doing in the United States? If they’re his people, why did they leave Mexico, abandon his country, to live under the jurisdiction and the laws of the United States?

When the so-called elites use the word ‘our’, this pronoun points to the modern liberal club wielding power. They are the anointed ones who call the shots.

This globetrotting clique really doesn’t see borders as more than a vestige of the Ancien Constitutional Régime. Your laughable interest in such marks you a bitter Klingon and a racist, to boot.

As with other words, such as ‘illegal’, which doesn’t seem to mean what you might think, ‘our’ in this case has a shocking meaning, quite different from the apparent.

We’ll just have to wait for Dr. K to come around.

Paging Dr. Hendrick–A Surgeon’s Devastating Appraisal Of ObamaCare

by Smitty (h/t Dr. Wolf)

This lengthy clip is narrated somewhat dryly by Daniel Cox, M.D., and focuses on surgeons, yet is quite good:

Going Galt: When Will Surgeons Say Enough is Enough? from Daniel Cox on Vimeo.

I’ve screen capped the Thomas Hendrick quotation for your convenience:

And here is the Medicus survey slide, one among many devastating slides in the pitch:

Delivery from Dr. Cox is in a bland tone, which is a feature. The facts sell themselves.

One surmises that the Democratic strategy is to rely on the American non-attention span, hoping that the people will just ‘kind of forget’ the whole mess in time for November.

I was in attendance at the Moran health care forum featured at the mid-point. What a pile of hooey that was.

Refusing elective surgery to lawyers? As strikes go, that would be kinda funny.

Dr. Cox ends the video on such a positive, patriotic note that I am brought to tears. Well worth your time.

Everybody Should Buy Gold, Even If Glenn Beck Gets Paid to Tell You So

Look, the Dow Jones Industrial Average lost more than 300 points today, and the DJIA is down more than 1,130 points since closing at 11,205 on April 26. The Greek debt crisis is pulling down the European economy, more than 700 U.S. banks are now on the FDIC “troubled” list, and concern about a “double-dip” recession is becoming mainstream. Now, let’s look at this chart of gold prices over the past five years:

If you were investing in real estate or plowing your 401(k) into stocks five years ago, don’t you wish you’d bought gold instead? Yet according to Democrats, it is somehow wrong for Glenn Beck to tell you about this, because his advertisers happen to share the same opinion:

“On numerous occasions, Glenn Beck has dedicated entire segments of his program to explaining why the U.S. money supply is destined for hyperinflation with Barack Obama as president. He will often promote the purchase of gold as the only safe investment alternative for consumers who want to safeguard their livelihoods. When the show cuts to commercial break, viewers are treated to an advertisement from Goldline . . .”

If you’re a Beck fan, you know that the guy who is trying to make this into a “scandal” is Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-Ouchenozzle), and that Beck has responded by launching a new Web site, WeinerFacts.com.

While you’re reading this blog, by the way, be sure to enjoy a cold refreshing Corona ExtraTM beer.

As my blogger friends know, I don’t actually drink beer, but I always make a point of having a delicious Corona beer in my hand when I’m photographed at a party, because I’m trying to get a product-placement deal with the Mexican beer cartel.

So far, I have not been able to persuade the manufacturers of Corona that making me their officially sponsored right-wing blogger would be good for business, and Anheuser-Busch also nixed my pitch, which is why I stopped drinking pretending to drink Budweiser.

Some readers may be asking themselves, “Is it legal for Stacy to pimp himself out to advertisers so shamelessly? Couldn’t he be arrested for that?”

Not to worry, dear readers. I have consulted the nation’s finest legal mind, Professor Glenn Reynolds, who informs me that I am perfectly within my rights.

If you want to attend a fine law school, the University of Tennessee has an excellent faculty. While visiting beautiful East Tennessee, be sure to stop by Granny’s Fireworks at 1948 Bristol Highway in Watauga, where you’ll find the finest products at the lowest prices. And if you want me to shut up with these shameless product pitches, just hit the tip jar.

Silence is golden, IYKWIMAITYD.

UPDATE: Oh, look: “Financial reform” just cleared the cloture hurdle in the Senate! Doesn’t that inspire you to invest more money in Wall Street?

Of course not. Buy more gold immediately. And hit the tip jar, because this kind of excellent (but entirely unofficial) financial advice has got to be worth something.

UPDATE II: Doug Powers:

I have a strange feeling that my 401K is about to sink so low tomorrow that it may well put the final plug on the Gulf oil leak.

Anybody want to suggest an over/under on how many points the DJIA loses Friday? It hasn’t closed under 10,000 since February 8, so the prospect of 100 days of gains being wiped out . . . Hey, how’s that Hope and Change workin’ out for ya?

And thank you, Scott Brown — you’re on your way to becoming the Arlen Specter of Massachusetts.

VIDEO: Pat Toomey Ad

As Dave Weigel says — hey, he’s got me blogrolled at an MSM site, of course I’m kissing his ass — Toomey spent a year waiting to campaign against Arlen Specter, but he’s not wasting time on regrets:

TV Clear Choice from Pat Toomey on Vimeo.

The first post-primary Rasmussen poll shows Joe Sestak with a slight lead, which was to be expected, and not merely for the huge media attention to the Democratic primary campaign. As I had foreseen ( “Republicans for Arlen Specter,” April 22), the honest liberal Sestak is a better candidate for Democrats than the two-faced “moderate” crapweasel Specter. It’s unfortunate that the Democratic primary voters figured this out, too.

Despite Sestak’s relative greater strength, in comparison to Specter, the fact is that Sestak spent himself broke in the Democratic primary, while Toomey had the pleasant experience of sitting on his money, waiting to unload on the battered winner of the Specter-Sestak slugfest. And it is significant that Toomey launched this TV ad campaign so early. Robert Costa at National Review reports:

“This race is now much more interesting and competitive,” says Larry Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia. “Toomey would have beaten Specter like a drum, given this year’s environment. Sestak can be far more competitive. However, my sense is that this is a GOP year in Pennsylvania. Tom Corbett, the gubernatorial nominee, should help Toomey, and there will be a great deal of straight-ticket voting in the fall. But it’s early, and some caution is in order.”
Defining Sestak as a classic left-progressive early on is a key goal, Toomey strategists tell National Review Online. . . .
Unlike Specter, who flailed trying to peg Sestak as a weak leader and ran negative ads questioning Sestak’s Navy record, Toomey is determined to make the candidates’ positions the topic of conversation. “I will need to communicate a very clear contrast between Joe and myself,” Toomey says. “Joe, by virtue of his record, is a Nancy Pelosi liberal. While I am confident that Pennsylvania does not want to elect a San Francisco liberal to the United States Senate, I know that I have to keep barnstorming the state to make my case.”

Basically, Toomey needs to brand Sestak as a liberal now — while Sestak is still low on campaign cash — and thus put Sestak on the defensive. Once Sestak replenishes his coffers, his first job will be to dig himself out of a hole of negative perception.

The Rand Paul Round Robin

Rather than continue extending my previous “Intellectual Terrorism” discussion of the Rand Paul civil-rights controversy, I’ll link some relevant stuff here. James Joyner at Outside the Beltway:

Doug Mataconis, Oliver Willis, and I were engaged in a brief Twitter back-and-forth on this one last night.  It’s a tougher question than it sounds, especially to a 20-something liberal.

Exactly so, given that most 20-somethings — liberal, conservative and otherwise — have been force-fed a distorted history of the civil-rights era.

The narrow question that Rand Paul was seeking to argue involves a libertarian critique of government intrusion into the private sector. From a libertarian perspective, it is wrong for government to require private-sector racial discrimination (as was the case under Jim Crow) and equally wrong for government to forbid private-sector racial discrimination (as in the 1964 Civil Rights Act).

Whatever your opinion in that specific context, it cannot be inferred from the libertarian argument that the person making that argument is an advocate of or apologist for racial discrimination.

An example I like to use when explaining this problem is the authentic Chinese restaurant. Owned by Chinese and staffed by Chinese, is this restaurant guilty of harmful “discrimination” because it does not employ Mexican cooks and Swedish waitresses? As absurd as this example may seem, yet it illustrates the fundamental logic of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which has been used to claim, inter alia, that Hooters is guilty of discrimination because it employees only waitresses, and not male waiters.

Dave Weigel, who spent a lot of time covering the Paulistas when he was at libertarian Reason magazine, is devoting extensive space to the controversy:

I can’t decide whether Paul has benefited or been hurt by the change of focus from the original story — whether his opposition to basically any federal intervention in business practices meant he opposed the Americans With Disabilities Act, opposed FDA regulation of food, etc. Instead, this has become a fairly tired “is candidate a racist or isn’t he?” story — one that Paul thinks he can deflect.

There should be no need to “deflect” an accusation for which no evidence exists, and yet Paul seems almost to be following the George Allen “Apology Tour” roadmap, issuing a statement that Weigel quotes:

I believe we should work to end all racism in American society and staunchly defend the inherent rights of every person. I have clearly stated in prior interviews that I abhor racial discrimination and would have worked to end segregation.

This kind of response cedes the premise of the liberal argument, namely that racism and discrimination are so pervasive and harmful as to constitute a persistent danger to the commonweal, thus requiring that everyone of good faith join the crusade to “end all racism in American society.”

From this crusading “anti-racist” mentality stems the kind of Jesse Jackson/Al Sharpton idiocy that treats the violent dope-dealing gang-banger as less harmful to the black community than the possibility that state troopers might engage in “profiling” to arrest drug traffickers. Which is worse, that a law-abiding black citizen might incur a greater statistical risk of being pulled over on the Jersey Turnpike, or that scores of black kids are gunned down every year on the streets of Newark?

Of course, I’m not running for Senate — a political campaign is not generally a good place to debate such difficult questions — but I hate to see any conservative yield rhetorical ground unnecessarily. Hell’s bells, to any student of de Maistre,  the concept of “inherent rights” is itself suspect. If Rand Paul doesn’t watch his step, he’ll lose Paul Gottfried.

UPDATE: Erick Erickson steps up to clarify the facts, and ends by emphasizing the most important fact:

By the way, Rand Paul is kicking the Democrat’s butt.

Funny how the Left plays the race card whenever Democrats are losing. Just a coincidence, I’m sure.

UPDATE II: If Melissa Clouthier already finds this argument “freaking annoying,” just wait. Next, the MSM will start playing the game of asking every Republican whether they agree or disagree with Rand Paul, to make him a litmus test, so that anyone who refuses to condemn Paul will be accused of favoring the repeal of civil rights.

Note that this game is never played against Democrats. The MSM didn’t accuse every Democrat who praised Ted Kennedy of being in favor of drowning campaign aides.

UPDATE III: Ta-Nahesi Coates declares that Rand Paul “is too ignorant to be embarrassed.” Paul is an eye surgeon and his father is an obstetrician, but whenever racial politics is debated, you can be sure that the conservative will be accused of ignorance. 

Sic semper hoc. Liberals believe that their own politics implies both moral and intellectual superiority, and thus the opponents of liberalism are always stupid and evil. And they have repeated this so often for so long, some people actually believe it.

Andrew Sullivan is inspired to offer an extremely limited defense of Rand Paul, which is about as helpful as you might expect.

UPDATE IV: Donald Douglas weighs in with an arguable assertion: “No doubt, racial equality wasn’t going to happen without the force of federal power.”

Well, (a) we are still a hell of a long way from “racial equality,” as Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson would be all too happy to inform you, and (b) there is reason to believe that the employment of federal power in this matter has actually harmed the cause of equality.

Thomas Sowell has noted that black Americans made more economic progress in the 25 years before the passage of the Civil Rights Act than they did in the 25 years after its passage. It would be a post hoc ergo propter hoc fallacy to blame the Civil Rights Act for the world of miseries (e.g., the plague of drugs, crime, fatherlessness, unemployment and educational failure) that have afflicted black Americans since 1964. Nevertheless, we cannot say that federal civil-rights legislation proved to be a magical formula for Progress.

In this context, I’m reminded of my long-ago interview Marilyn Arrington, a leading educator in Atlanta who was in charge of the 1996 Olympic Youth Camp and who had been a SNCC activist during the sit-in era. When I asked her what went wrong in American race relations, Mrs. Arrington’s answer was memorable:

“It seems to me it was around 1965 or ‘66, when Stokely Carmichael and Rap Brown and that crowd came in,” she said, referring to militants who captured the leadership of SNCC. “They kicked the white people out of the movement and started talking about ‘black power’ — everything was ‘whitey this’ and ‘whitey that.’ … It was never the same after that.”

The politics of blame, of scapegoating white America, escalated dramatically in the aftermath of passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, so that by the time of his death in 1968, Martin Luther King Jr. was rejected as too accommodationist by young radicals.

Revolutions have been going off the rails like this ever since Burke entered his famous criticism of the French Revolution. At the time of Burke’s Reflections, Danton was in the forefront of the Revolution. He subsequently supported the purge of the Girondists and advocated dictatorial power for the Committee of Public Safety. And Danton’s radicalism continued unti 1794, when he was sent to the guillotine by his fellow Jacobins, some of whom eventually followed him.

Likewise in Russia, the overthrow of the Czarist regime brought to power the provisional government of Kerensky, subsequently overthrown by the Bolsheviks. Trotsky, whose commanded the Red Army in the Russian civil war, was eventually purged and fled the Soviet Union, only to die at the hands of a Stalinist assassin. Quite nearly the entirety of the original Bolshevik leadership was ultimately executed during Stalin’s purges.

Should we then be surprised that the civil rights revolution went so quickly from “I have a dream” to “Black Power” and “burn, baby, burn”? Or should we be surprised that the self-appointed civil-rights leaders of 2010 are buffoons like Al Sharpton?

No, indeed. Nor is it surprising that any sincere attempt to answer the important question, “Where did we go wrong?” leads to angry accusations of racism. Those who have gained power by playing the race card will deny that we have “gone wrong” at all, even as they decry the problems of black America as evidence of racism — and the pernicious power of racism, of course, is an argument for yet more intervention in the name of civil rights.

Any reasonable, honest and well-informed person must eventually begin to question this pretzel logic. Yet as soon as you begin asking questions, you will be denounced as a racist. Ron Paul isn’t the only one caught in a Catch-22.

Rachel Maddow vs. Rand Paul: Intellectual Terrorism and ‘Civil Rights’

Here’s the video:

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

David Weigel has some interesting analysis:

So is Rand Paul a racist? No, and it’s irritating to watch his out-of-context quotes . . . splashed on the Web to make that point. Paul believes, as many conservatives believe, that the government should ban bias in all of its institutions but cannot intervene in the policies of private businesses.
Now, few conservatives would go as far as Paul. In an essay just this month on the thought of William F. Buckley, Lee Edwards criticized Buckley’s belief “that the federal enforcement of integration was worse than the temporary continuation of segregation.”
“As a result of National Review’s above-the-fray philosophizing,” wrote Edwards, “and Barry Goldwater’s vote, on constitutional grounds, against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the albatross of racism was hung around the neck of American conservatism and remained there for decades and even to the present.” . . .

David’s got the complete transcript of the Maddow/Paul interview. As much respect as I have for the great conservative historian Lee Edwards, I will risk “the albatross of racism” by siding with Buckley and Goldwater and — though Edwards doesn’t mention this — Ronald Reagan.

One of the rallying points of California conservatives in the early 1960s was opposition to the Rumford Fair Housing Act, a 1963 state law that banned racial discrimination in housing. Considering this an unjust and unnecessary intrusion on property rights — an attempt to mandate how people bought and sold their homes — conservatives supported Proposition 14, to overturn the new law. Proposition 14 passed with a  2-to-1 majority, although it was subsequently overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court.

Reagan opposed the Rumford law and supported Proposition 14. Given that the 1964 Civil Rights Act incorporated the same kind of housing anti-discrimination measures as the Rumford law, it is therefore not surprising that Goldwater opposed the federal law — or that Reagan was Goldwater’s strongest advocate.

Nearly a half-century after that controversy, shall we retroactively pronounce Buckley, Reagan and Goldwater “racists”? And shall we impugn Rand Paul for “above-the-fray philosophizing” in daring to defend the policy stances taken by these icons of conservatism who are, after all, not alive to defend themselves?

Well, it’s still a free country, and you are free to throw Buckley, Reagan and Goldwater under the bus along with Rand Paul. I am equally free, however, to say that in discussing the Civil Rights Act of 1964 we must consider not only the direct effects of the law — the abolition of Jim Crow — but also its indirect effects.

Don’t conservatives believe that many problems in American society are unintended consequences of well-intentioned liberal legislation? What is the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977 — heavily implicated in the mortgage crisis — except a logical extension of the Civil Rights Act’s effort to eliminate discrimination in housing?

All conservatives now recognize the harm done by the constant playing of the race card in political discourse. But we have also seen in the recent health-care debate how liberals likewise love to play the “reform” card: Support this specific law, or else you are “anti-reform.”

This is not new, and liberals were playing the same game with the Civil Rights Act of 1964, so that everyone who opposed the bill was accused of being an apologist for Jim Crow. And Rand Paul is now being excoriated for being honest enough to say that this was unfair, that whatever the benefits of abolishing Jim Crow, there were unintended consequences to the 1964 law — consequences that were to some extent foreseen by Buckley, Goldwater and Reagan — that still merit critical discussion.

Maddow’s badgering of Rand Paul amounts to an attempt to render off-limits the controversies of the past, to require that everyone endorse a progressive conception of history. As Clifton says, Paul is being forced into a Catch-22:

If Paul says he fully supports how the feds forced the private sector to end segregation he loses libertarian street cred, but by only supporting the results of the Civil Rights Act and not the actual legislation, Paul gives the left room to paint him as a racist.

What is at work here is a sort of intellectual terrorism, not just an effort to portray Rand Paul as a bigot, but to wield the accusation of racism as a weapon to intimidate anyone who dares challenge the progressive worldview.

Here is where wise men must perceive the totalitarian implications of political correctness, the Orwellian “memory hole,” the demand for conformity of thought, Trotsky airbrushed from the old Bolshevik photos. This argument is not really about racism, and it is not merely about Rand Paul or a single Republican campaign in Kentucky. Rather, it is about defending intellectual freedom from the bullies of the Left who arrogate to themselves the authority to decide what people can or cannot say in public discourse.

Conservatives must resolve to stand united against this kind of bullying treatment — to denounce it as an intellectually dishonest enterprise — or they shall eventually find that there is no remainder of the American tradition worth conserving.

“[T]ruth is great and will prevail if left to herself . . . she is the proper and sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict, unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free argument and debate, errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is permitted freely to contradict them.”
— Thomas Jefferson, Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom (1786)

“Let the others turn away. . . . They fear being ridiculed by the intelligentsia and allow the abuses to continue. They fear the mob as an excuse to avoid action. These are the people who, afraid to risk their reputation for rational thought, avoid rational conclusions. They seek some middle ground where they risk nothing and others do their chores.”
— T.L. Davis, The Constitutionalist (2010)

UPDATE: One of the commenters evidently wants to get me into a fight with my friend Dan Riehl — an invitation I’m not going to accept. Dan was rightly concerned from the outset about the efforts of some conservative to use Rand Paul’s candidacy to undermine Mitch McConnell in the Senate. Point taken.

With friends on both sides of the Kentucky GOP primary, I did not take sides — thinking it best to let Kentuckians fight it out amongst themselves — and was surprised by Sarah Palin’s intervention. Having now crossed this bridge, however, conservatives must fight the fight we are in and not waste time  wishing we had met the enemy on some other field.

Dan’s I-told-you-so is valid, as is his comment that “Paul doesn’t have the good political sense to stop fighting” — or, as I would say, the sense to shift the fight onto more defensible terrain. If Paul or his supporters are “whining about principle,” to borrow Dan’s phrase, that’s not an effective political strategy.

Turn the enemy’s attack against him — rhetorical ju-jitsu. A static defense, a stubborn insistence that you are right, is not nearly so effective as the counterattack that shows your opponent is wrong.

Rachel Maddow and the Left in general are attempting to limit the scope of debate and define the terms to their own advantage, so that they get to decide who is or is not a “racist.” Americans are sick and tired of seeing accusations of racism tossed around willy-nilly like this, and if Rand Paul would confront this tactic head-on — exposing as invalid the rhetorical gamesmanship involved — he would emerge fromn the fight as a hero to many Kentucky voters, especially independents and conservative-leaning Democrats.

Rather than whining or acting defensively indignant (“How dare you call me a racist!”), focus the counterattack on the Left’s dishonest tactic of defining “racism” in a way that shuts off meaningful political debate and categorically stigmatizes conservatives.

Like Rip Van Winkle

After delivering The Final Wisdom on PA-12 yesterday afternoon, I took a nap and didn’t wake up until nearly midnight. I woke to discover a world of news had transpired:

OK, I made that last part up, but at least my ratings don’t suck as bad as Campbell Brown’s. Meanwhile, not content to let my Final Wisdom be the last word on PA-12, Jay Cost offers an excellent analysis at Real Clear Politics:

In 2004, George W. Bush won 255 congressional districts. PA-12 was not one of them. From 1994 to 2006, the Republicans held the United States House of Representatives, controlling as many as 232 seats. PA-12 was never one of them. . . .
And let’s not forget the Pennsylvania Senate primary. As I watched Sestak rise in the polls, and saw the flood of Senate primary advertising here in Western Pennsylvania, I knew that Mark Critz – the Democratic candidate in PA-12 – was being helped. The Sestak-Specter contest was driving up interest, and both candidates were putting out pro-Democratic messages. . . .
If the Massachusetts Senate race tantalized Republicans with the idea of boundless political opportunities, the PA-12 special election should remind them to keep their imaginations in check. . . .
And let’s not forget the view from 30,000 feet. Last night we saw two Democratic incumbent senators – Blanche Lincoln and Arlen Specter – mired in the mid-40s in their primaries. In PA-12, we find a candidate who positioned himself as an old time Democrat winning 53% of the vote in a union district where 62% of the voters were registered Democrats. How does this “contradict” “all the evidence” of a very good Republican year?

It’s very good, so please read the whole thing. As for me, I’m going back to sleep. When I wake up, Obama may have outlawed political blogging altogether . . .

Rand Paul Has Made A Fine Transition From Rock And Roll

by Smitty

His early rockabilly days were certainly memorable:

Now that he’s on the November ballot for Kentucky Senator, he still remembers how to tell the opposition to “bring it on”, even if the “mike foxtrot” is delivered in parenthesis:

While empathizing with Stacy’s disappointment over PA-12, if the Tea Parties around the country take it in the proper “Don’t get cocky, kid” light, and double down on the intensity, then the loss won’t be catastrophic.

The cusp of Socialist Hell where the country currently resides was not a sudden arrival. One important lesson of the PA-12 defeat should be that quick fixes arrive on Golden Hover Ponies. PA-12, like California, has deeper problems that are going to take more time and effort to tackle. For Conservatives to divide, rather than rally about the “generally acceptable” candidate, is to hand the victory to the Left. Cut that noise out.

I’m generally favorable to Rand Paul. Lisa Grass is unimpressed with Paul’s stance on the American’s with Disabilities Act:
While it’s easy to empathize with individuals in wheelchairs, things like ADA cause me three worries:

  1. They end up favoring larger businesses who can make contributions to politicians, engaging in lawfare against smaller businesses. The argument “Think of the disadvantaged!” always comes up, and we should, as we’re likely to be among them one way or another one day. Yet the cost of conforming to more and more reams of legislation is destructive to the little businessman, who seems to get scant love, save that of the prison variety.
  2. The precedent is set that it’s OK for the Federal government to cruise at a fairly low legislative level. How is a wheelchair ramp an Interstate Commerce concern, exactly? Should the 10th Amendment matter here? To exactly what degree does the 14th Amendment impact the discussion?
  3. Are we blowing off market solutions? For a reasonable population size, would there not be a business case to take better care of ADA customers?

Rand promises to be an interesting character to watch. The Paul Cabal rides tall and all, but will it stall in the Fall or make the opposition crawl?


And yes, I realize Rand Paul is not Brian Setzer.