Hey, Baby, Let’s Get Seismic

Great pickup lines in Tehran:

A senior Iranian cleric has claimed that dolled-up women incite extramarital sex, causing more earthquakes in Iran, a country that straddles several fault lines, newspapers reported today.
“Many women who dress inappropriately . . . cause youths to go astray, taint their chastity and incite extramarital sex in society, which increases earthquakes,” Ayatollah Kazem Sedighi told worshippers at overnight prayers in Tehran.

I’d be the mack daddy in an Iranian singles bar: “Sweetheart, you’re looking like the epicenter of a 7.4 on the Richter scale. How about you and me go back to my place and make the earth move?”

UPDATE: Welcome, Instpundit readers.

What Matthew Yglesias Doesn’t Understand About Economics

Besides everything, I mean. Christine Romer’s neo-Keynesian analysis of the economic slump — “It’s Aggregate Demand, Stupid” — inspires Yglesias to spout ignorantly about “structural” unemployment:

Every time there’s a downturn a certain swathe of the elite starts to label it unfixable and structural.

He then goes off to argue that the problem with U.S. policy is that it has been too cautious:

The fact of the matter is that key people responsible for running the global economy—people at the European Central Bank and the Federal Reserve Board, and the Bank of Japan, people in the United States Senate, people in the Germany cabinet—are screwing up. In the developed world, those countries who’ve been able to respond aggressively to the crisis with aggressive expansion-via-devaluation are all doing pretty well. The bigger developed economies can’t do that exact thing, but they can mount more aggressive expansionary responses — they just aren’t.

All this is a convenient excuse for not bothering to grasp the differences between structural and cyclical unemployment. Joseph Lawler had an excellent in-depth discussion of this issue in the December-January issue of the American Spectator, which I summarized in March:

Boiling down a complex discussion to its essence, we must understand the difference between cyclical unemployment — a temporary situation caused by short-term downward trends in the business cycle — and structural unemployment, which is the result of fundamental changes in the economic structure of society.

If Yglesias is too lazy to wrap his mind around that issue, I can’t force him to do so, but I must point out that “structural” is not a synonym for “unfixable.” The problem is that the kinds of government interventions that help ease cyclical unemployment may actually hinder recovery when there are structural changes in the economy.

Are we looking at a temporary slow period in the business cycle or are we looking at the results of structural changes in the economy? The question is not moot, nor is it a matter of political preference. If the government is shoving unemployment benefits and public assistance at people, encouraging them to wait around for the jobs to come back when, in fact, those jobs aren’t ever coming back, then your policies are doing more harm than good.

Arguments about economics have an unfortunate way of becoming arguments about politics because there is always the question of what policies the government should pursue. Yet we cannot forget there is an underlying economic reality that is immune to our political wishes.

UPDATE: A liberal who actually knows something about economics weighs in:

The important point is that while it isn’t structural now, the longer high unemployment persists the more the amount of structural unemployment will increase. There are a couple of mechanisms for this, the most obvious one being that over time, the skills of unemployed workers deteriorate as technology/practices change. This mismatch between skills of the unemployed and the needs of employers grows.

Ah, but Duncan, how can you so blithely conclude that current unemployment is not structural?

The housing boom created jobs for a lot of unskilled and semi-skilled workers who are now unemployed and who, barring a re-inflation of the “bubble,” are unlikely to find such good employment prospects in the immediate future. Furthermore, these people are in many cases the same ones who signed on for those low-doc option-ARM mortgages and are now living in houses worth less than they owe on them. So they’re doubly screwed.

All of which goes back to a point I’ve been pounding home for months: You can’t make capitalism work without capital, and the biggest problem in the U.S. economy today is a capital shortage. The housing meltdown wiped out $7 trillion in asset value, and there is simply no way to recover quickly from that kind of wipeout. So when you keep pretending that recovery is just around the corner — it’s not — you’re undermining your own credibility.

Frankly, liberals were on more solid ground with their original argument: “Blame Bush!”

‘The Power To Tax Is The Power To Destroy’

by Smitty (via Insty)

Kansas City.com quotes Prof. Reynolds:

Everyone should pay at least some income tax. And everyone’s tax bill should go up or down whenever federal spending does.

KC.com then asks:

Is there a way to more closely align politicians’ incentives with the nation’s long-term financial interest? It’s a lot tougher than it sounds, because the incentives facing voters are perverse as well.
The problem is highlighted by a branch of economics called public choice theory, which analyzes the way people behave while making collective decisions, as opposed to how they behave in the marketplace.

I submit that the improved system, itself, isn’t all that tough. What will prove somewhere between challenging and impossible is the transition.
The title of this post is due to Daniel Webster in 1819. And what responsible person would disagree that, through taxation, the Federal government is destroying, or threatens to destroy, the country?
So take away DC’s power to tax directly.
Dan Riehl also weighed in:

I think there are at least two paths to consider, one broader and one more targeted. As McClanahan [KC.com] points out, things do happen somewhat differently within the states. Rather than only export that type of remedy up to the federal level, there needs to be a more honest discussion of state’s rights and the Tenth Amendment. Because progressives[?] are predominantly federalists, as soon as someone brings up the concept of state’s rights, it’s immediately tarred with the brush of the Civil War. That would have to abate if the country is going to be able to have a genuine discussion of state versus federal power and control, particularly as it impacts spending.

The other path includes a more informative approach to accounting for government spending. While it shouldn’t become so micro as to simply gloss over one’s eyes, we need to get away from simply discussing budgets as vast piles of money. If one is going to cut federal spending on Education for instance, it should be more clear what silo within the budget it’s targeted at. We don’t approach it that way today. As soon as one hears about cuts to education, the Left immediately paints a picture of poor children going without their school lunch, upon which more and more of them have come to depend. As an aside, that specific discussion would be better served at the state level.

It is hard to get one’s mind around, but I believe clearer cost accounting at the federal level and a more robust discussion of state versus federal government and their respective roles in our lives are at least two good paths to begin exploring.

I submit that Dan’s former approach is the horse to bet on; the latter will be as readily corrupted as the current arrangement.
The reason for the corruption is the lack of feeback. Irrespective of whom you vote into office, the Federal beast grows. What to do? Remit the sub-Federal duties that DC has piled upon itself to the States. Most importantly, that of collecting taxes.

  • Let the House Appropriations Committee devolve into knife fight to decide the annual billing for each state.
  • Let there be a simple correction, possibly a sales tax, that gets imposed upon a state to meet shortfalls.
  • Let the Federal interference with individuals, in terms of housing, health care, education, and all other entitlements die a very public death.
  • Let there be deficit spending to support a declared war, which hasn’t been seen since WWII, unless I missed something.
  • Let the other 49 States besides North Dakota have their own bloody banks, and the Federal Reserve oversee them, if we can’t kill that particular beast outright.

At the risk of sounding slightly cranky, if the Tea Party isn’t pushing for this sort of reform and restoration, then the Left laughs. The Left understands that the Federal death grip on the country’s future is predicated upon the power of the purse. The Contract From America will evoke a titter from the Left because it amounts to a sexy shade of lipstick upon the Federal pig. Progressivism has perverted the Constitution, at a medium pace, for about a century now. If the power to tax remains in DC, then it shall all have been a fine collective temper tantrum, but it shall not have bought much in the end.

Rule 5 Sunday

by Smitty

It’s been a good week for both the country and Rule 5.

  • Here’s My Thing leads off with Milla Jovovich, and also has Sarah Michelle Gellar
  • The Pirate’s Cove has another entry from the infinite pinup supply, going so far as to notice Alice on the moon.
  • GrEaT sAtAn”S gIrLfRiEnD had a Milblog cutie, finishing with many such, and a mournful pose for the Polish dead. Then a UN note:

    United Nations hooks up to draft the world’s first comprehensive convention against terrorism. For the fourteenth time in ten years!

    Just keep pluckin’ that chicken, UN.

  • A Conservative Shemale thinks Amber Heard in a bit full of herself.
  • Cassie Fiano had a Fox News video about military wives learning burlesque for their husbands.
  • Sports maven Fishersville Mike had Amy Mickelson, after her husband won the Masters.
  • Dustbury catches us up on Lileks’ Law of Lingerie. Obey the law, people. He also celebrates Emma Watson’s birthday.
  • Power and Control introduces Desiree Bassett, a 15 y/o guitarist with potential that can only be characterized as ridiculous. Her band is called Time Machine, which will necessitate a Joe Satriani moment:

Bonus Joe, asking the eternal question: “Why?”

The tear line of shame.


  • Yankee Phil features Oksana Grigorieva, and includes Mel Gibson. How you punt on seven children is something I don’t care to know.

That’s your Rule 5 Sunday. Peace to all, and updates to Smitty.

What New Regulation Can’t Fix: FDIC, OTS, and the WaMu SNAFU

Friday afternoon, I had to drive to Baltimore Washington International Airport to pick up my 17-year-old son Jim, who was flying in from Ohio. I could tell you a long story here about Jim’s desire to see his dog Samson, who appears to be terminally ill, and maybe dog-lovers would hit the tip-jar in sympathy, but that’s not what this post is about.

While I was driving, I turned the radio to WCSP-FM — 90.1 FM, the C-SPAN station in D.C. — and listened to a Senate subcommittee hearing on the failure of government regulators in the case of Washington Mutual, which went belly-up in 2008. Here’s the Washington Post story about the hearing:

In a testy exchange with senators Friday, the former head of the Office of Thrift Supervision denied that his agency fostered a cozy relationship with Washington Mutual that tempered oversight of the Seattle thrift and ultimately resulted in the largest bank failure in U.S. history.
A year-long Senate probe presented at a hearing Friday concluded that the OTS had identified a pattern of errors, poor risk management and even fraud at Washington Mutual. Yet it took no action to stop the bank from dumping toxic mortgages into the financial system because the bank was a huge moneymaker that paid fees amounting to 15 percent of the agency’s budget, the panel said.
In effect, the OTS was a “watchdog with no bite” that failed to keep an arm’s-length relationship with the bank it regulated, said Carl M. Levin (D-Mich.), chairman of the Governmental Affairs subcommittee on investigations.

You can read the whole thing, but the point is that OTS regulators had identified serious problems at WaMu and warned the bank about the problems, yet took no effective action against WaMu and never publicized their concerns. Meanwhile, because of a turf-war between OTS and FDIC, at a crucial time the latter agency was prevented from gaining important information necessary to assessing the viability of WaMu.

Many people assumed that federal bank regulation ensured nothing like this could happen, but it did in part because WaMu was trying to compete against lenders like Countrywide Mortgage, which weren’t covered by the same regulations. From the FDIC’s Inspector General report:

Option ARMs represented as much as half of all loan originations from 2003 to 2007 and approximately $59 billion, or 47 percent, of the home loans on WaMu’s balance sheet at the end of 2007. WaMu’s Option ARMs provided borrowers with the choice to pay their monthly mortgages in amounts equal to monthly principal and interest, interest-only, or a minimum monthly payment. Borrowers selected the minimum monthly payment option for 56 percent of the Option ARM portfolio in 2005.
The minimum monthly payment was based on an introductory rate, also known as a teaser rate, which was significantly below the market interest rate and was usually in place for only 1 month. After the introductory rate expired, the minimum monthly payment feature introduced two significant risks to WaMu’s portfolio: payment shock and negative amortization. WaMu projected that, on average, payment shock increased monthly mortgage amounts by 60 percent.
At the end of 2007, 84 percent of the total value of Option ARMs on WaMu’s financial statements was negatively amortizing. . . .

What does “negatively amortizing” mean?

Negative amortization occurs when the minimum monthly payments made after the expiration of the teaser rate are insufficient to pay monthly interest cost. Any unpaid interest is added to the principal loan balance thereby increasing the original loan amount.

Which is to say that the home-buyer who made only the minimum payment was actually building up negative equity — his debt to the bank increasing every month. Here’s more from the IG report about WaMu’s operation:

WaMu underwriting policies and practices made what were already inherently high-risk products even riskier. For example, WaMu originated a significant number of loans as “stated income” loans. Stated income loans, sometimes referred to as “low-doc” loans, allow borrowers to simply write in their income on the loan application without providing any supporting documentation. Approximately 90 percent of all of WaMu’s home equity loans, 73 percent of Option ARMs, and 50 percent of subprime loans were “stated income” loans.
WaMu also originated loans with high loan-to-value ratios. Specifically, WaMu held a significant percentage of loans where the loan amount exceeded 80 percent of the underlying property. For example, WaMu’s 2007 financial statements showed that 44 percent of subprime loans, 35 percent of home equity loans,7 and 6 percent of Option ARMs were originated for total loan amounts in excess of 80 percent of the value of the underlying property.

You may ask yourself, “Why on earth would a bank even make loans under such terms?” Two words: Asset value.

That phrase came up several times during Friday’s hearing, but unless you’ve paid attention to what actually happened in the housing bubble, the significance of the phrase “asset value” may not be readily apparent. For many years, lenders were able to get away with making high-risk loans because of the steady upward trend in the housing market.

“Asset value” in a rising market meant that if you loaned $300,000 on a house and the borrower defaulted –hey, no problem! Foreclose on the loan and re-sell the house for $350,000. So it didn’t really matter how shady the borrower might be, as long as the value of the asset kept going up.

When the housing bubble was really cooking — 2003 through 2006 — both the borrowers and the lenders were thinking of the houses as investments. WaMu got into the game just a couple of years before the bubble burst, and engaged in practices that other lenders had been pursuing for years in markets where a seemingly insatiable demand for real estate meant that there was no such thing as a bad real-estate investment. More from the IG report:

Consistent with its initial business strategy, WaMu made most of its residential loans to borrowers in California and Florida, states that suffered above-average home value depreciation [after the bubble burst in 2007]. Additionally, within California, WaMu’s underwriting standards allowed for up to 25 percent of loans to be concentrated in one metropolitan statistical area.

Dubious lending practices had been more common in these “hot” markets, where strong demand and rising prices enabled the practice known as “flipping” — buying an undervalued home with plans for a quick resale — and where soaring values also made possible frequent home-equity refinancing.

All of this, you see, was based on “asset value” in a booming market, including WaMu’s mergers and acquisitions in 2005-2006, when they gobbled up other lenders with assets valued at more than $60 billion. And if the market had continued to boom, there never would have been a problem, as WaMu’s portfolio would have steadily increased in value. Ah, “if” — the biggest two-letter word in the English language. More from the IG report:

After the mortgage market meltdown in mid-2007, the effects of WaMu’s risky products and liberal underwriting began to materialize. In the third quarter of 2007, WaMu was still profitable, but earnings were 73 percent less than the second quarter because of loan losses. In the fourth quarter of 2007 and the first quarter of 2008, WaMu suffered consecutive $1 billion quarterly losses because of loan charge-offs and reserves for future loan losses. . . .
On September 25, 2008, OTS closed WaMu and appointed FDIC as receiver; FDIC contemporaneously sold WaMu to JPMorgan Chase & Co for $1.89 billion.

Whoa! Just two or three years earlier, WaMu had absorbed through mergers and acquisitions four institutions with combined assets of more than $60 billion, and now WaMu was sold for less than $2 billion! And what of the role of government regulators in this disaster? From the IG report:

At over $300 billion in total assets, WaMu was OTS’s largest regulated institution and represented as much as 15 percent of OTS’s total assessment revenue from 2003 to 2008. OTS spent significant resources monitoring and examining WaMu. OTS conducted regular risk assessments and examinations that rated WaMu’s overall performance satisfactory until 2008. Those supervisory efforts also identified the core weaknesses that eventually led to WaMu’s failure – high-risk products, poor underwriting, and weak risk controls. . . .
OTS relied largely on WaMu management to track progress in correcting examiner-identified weaknesses and accepted assurances from WaMu management and its Board of Directors that problems would be resolved. OTS, however, did not adequately ensure that WaMu management corrected those weaknesses. The first time OTS took safety and soundness enforcement action against WaMu was in 2008 after the thrift started to incur significant losses.

In other words, despite OTS identifying “core weaknesses” at WaMu, no enforcement action was taken until things had already started sliding out of control. Why? Because as long as the housing market kept booming and the company was profitable — as it was until the fourth quarter of 2007 — the risk to investors and depositors was strictly hypothetical. The problems identified by OTS regulators were only dangerous in the event of a serious downturn in the real-estate market, something no one had seen in many years and which no one expected until it actually happened.

This is why liberals screaming about the need for more financial regulation are fundamentally wrong. We can generate new regulations designed to prevent a repeat of the WaMu collapse, but those new regulations — like the old regulations — will only be as good as the officials who enforce them. New regulations will inspire new evasion techniques,  equally risky new ventures will attract investors with an appetite for lucrative risks, and the next “bubble” boom-and-bust will occur in some as-yet-unsuspected market sector.

Regulation cannot eliminate all risks, and unbounded faith in financial regulation creates a false sense of security — “Hey, what can go wrong? They’ve got federal regulators on the job!” — which actually makes things worse.

Ultimately, the responsibility for avoiding financial risk belongs to the investor. Like your father always warned, if it sounds too good to be true, it probably is. And as the ancient Romans warned in the sign displayed at the public market: Caveat emptor.

What If Arnold Schwarzenegger Had Been as Conservative as Chris Christie?

The Wall Street Journal shares an anecdote about New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie standing up to his state’s teachers union, earning praise from Moe Lane.

Meanwhile, we’re watching California circle the drain — the state’s unemployment rate hit 12.6% in March — and I’m thinking of what a horrible disappointment Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger has been. What Christie is accomplishing in New Jersey seems miraculous, but Schwarzenegger arguably could have done the same thing in California, if only he had had as much courage.

(Hat-tip: Memeorandum.)