‘Most of the Miseries of the World Were Caused by Wars . . .’

” . . and, when the wars were over, no one ever knew what they were about.”
— Ashley Wilkes, Gone With the Wind

Captain Wilkes might well have added that, the further wars recede from memory, the more difficult it becomes to explain them to people who only know what they were taught in school.

Why, for example, did “Remember the Maine!” serve as the spark for war fever against Spain in 1898? Or what inspired Argentina to invade the Falkland Islands in 1982?

When I was a kid growing up in the 1960s, every patriotic American knew that our troops were in Vietnam to fight the godless commies. But by the time I got to high school in the 1970s, we were evacuating troops from the roof of the embassy in Saigon because fighting the godless commies no longer seemed like a good idea to the folks in charge.

The experience of defeat in Vietnam was, and remains, a tender scar in the American soul, dividing us still.

Some people took from that experience the lesson that any foreign military operation by the United States was necessarily a bad thing, an imperialist quest for world domination undertaken on behalf of greedy corporations that stood to profit from supplying the war machine and exploiting the resources gained by conquest.

Others took from the Vietnam experience a quite different lesson, about how politicians attempting to micromanage military operations bring about disaster and about the folly of “limited” war undertaken without adequate appreciation of the enemy’s unwillingness to recognize such limits. And then there was the question of exactly when dissent in time of war crosses a line and becomes something far more sinister than mere dissent — but let’s not go there.

No, it’s best to fight one war at a time.

My experience of growing up during the Vietnam war, and seeing how it has been variously interpreted in the years since, instilled in me a deep skepticism about simplistic, politicized explanations for war.

Even World War II,  in which my own father was wounded within an inch of his life while fighting the Nazis, has been subjected to revisionism and critical scrutiny that somewhat debunks the gauzy idealism that has surrounded “The Last Good War.” And this skepticism about viewing war through a political prism was only increased by watching how, in 1990-91, the anti-war crowd leaped to the conclusion that the U.S. military response to Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait — Operation Desert Shield, which became Desert Storm — was sure to be an endless bloody quagmire.

Fortunately, that war reached a quick and successful conclusion before the advocates of “peace” could do much more than make complete fools of themselves. But by the time the hawks began beating the war-drums in 2002, demanding the invasion and conquest of Iraq, the first Gulf War had been misinterpreted by many as proof that all future U.S. wars would be quick and successful — much to the subsequent chagrin of “Cakewalk Ken” Adelman and his friends.

As I say, however, it’s best to fight one war at a time and I’ve no more interest in arguing about Iraq than I have in arguing about Vietnam. My point is that every U.S. war in my lifetime has been subjected to endless arguments like this, the sturdy facts obscured by partisan politics and opinions having nothing to do with actual military operations.

This is all by way of explaining why I get so weary of the tendentiousness with which some people approach the study of the War Between the States. The New York Times sent a reporter to Atlanta to stir up trouble in this regard:

ATLANTA — The Civil War, the most wrenching and bloody episode in American history, may not seem like much of a cause for celebration, especially in the South.
And yet, as the 150th anniversary of the four-year conflict gets under way, some groups in the old Confederacy are planning at least a certain amount of hoopla, chiefly around the glory days of secession, when 11 states declared their sovereignty under a banner of states’ rights and broke from the union.
The events include a “secession ball” in the former slave port of Charleston (“a joyous night of music, dancing, food and drink,” says the invitation), which will be replicated on a smaller scale in other cities. A parade is being planned in Montgomery, Ala., along with a mock swearing-in of Jefferson Davis as president of the Confederacy. . . .

You can read the whole thing, if you wish, but let’s just say that no decent Southern gentleman would accept an invitation to discuss the War if he knew that Mark Potok would be invited to the discussion.

Might as well discuss sexual morality with Andrew Sullivan, or discuss democracy with Kim Jong Il.

Perhaps I’ll have more to say later, or perhaps not. There are enough idiots in the world to argue with, and enough topics on which such idiots claim expertise, without arguing with the New York Times about the War — or, as refined Southerners once called it, the Late Unpleasantness.

From ‘Blame Bush’ to ‘It’s All Rigged’

Wherein a Democratic senator complains that the agenda of Senate Democrats is un-democratic:

Via Hot Air and the Daily Caller. Sen. Bennett has discovered Hall’s Iron Law of Leadership: There are people who make lists, and there are people who are on lists. Bennett’s not a list-maker, so he’ll vote the way he’s told and be grateful for the opportunity.

Notice how getting their asses whupped in the mid-terms has awakened Democrats — not just Bennett, but a lot of liberal bloggers — to the fact that maybe their leaders are more interested in preserving their own power than in advancing the glorious progressive Cause. And the illusion of leadership omnicompetence evaporates pretty quickly after a world-historic ass-whupping.

She’s Certainly Making the Right Enemies

Congratulations, Governor Palin:

You can add the hatred of Charles Johnson, next to the pathological obsession of Andrew Sullivan, in your trophy case. As to Joe Scarborough’s accusation that Palin is a “cultural icon” of “anti-intellectualism” . . . Hey, let’s go to the video:

“To all you people who want to send me e-mails: Don’t waste your time. I’m not going to read it.”

In other words: “My mind’s made up. Don’t try to confuse me with your so-called ‘facts.'” An attitude we might call . . . uh, anti-intellectual. Continue reading She’s Certainly Making the Right Enemies →

Why Doesn’t the SPLC Just Go Ahead and Call the Republican Party a ‘Hate Group’?

Both the American Family Association and Concerned Women for America — and four other groups that generally oppose the gay-rights agenda — have now taken notice of the “hate” tag placed on them by the Southern Poverty Law Center.

But why stop there? Why not the entire GOP? Why not the U.S. Marine Corps and the Boy Scouts of America? And as Mark Krikorian says, while we’re at it, how about the Catholic Church and the Southern Baptist Convention? Krikorian adds:

The gay-rights groups . . . have welcomed this appalling attempt at suppressing dissenting opinions; as one of them said, “There are no ‘two sides’ to the issues about gay and lesbian rights.”

Jesse Walker of Reason magazine has observed that the SPLC “would paint a box of Wheaties as an extremist threat if it thought that would help it raise funds.” And Rick Barber has called the SPLC “an extremist wolf in ‘watchdog’ clothing.”

The SPLC has now spent an entire decade warning America against the hate-menace of Robert Stacy McCain. And obviously the recent election results — and 5 million hits — are evidence that the menace is growing.

Today the blogosphere, tomorrow the world!

The Endless Delaware Post-Mortem

The day after the Delaware primary, I asked, “Is this really about 2012?” It seemed to me that many ruling-class Republicans — especially those aboard the Mitt Romney 2012 bandwagon — were attacking Christine O’Donnell as a proxy for Sarah Palin.

Given the extraordinarily good news on the House side, with the GOP gaining 63 seats, it seems absurd that some conservatives continue to cry over spilled milk, endlessly rehashing the failure of Republicans to capture a Senate majority, and especially bemoaning the outcome in Delaware.

Even if this is not merely a proxy for arguments between pro-Palin and anti-Palin camps within the GOP, it has certainly turned into one of those Dougherty’s Law situations: “If it were more like me, the Republican Party would be better off. It’s failing because it’s like you.”

In other words, the elitist attacks on O’Donnell are a veiled way of attacking the supposedly unenlightened hicks who supported O’Donnell. Longtime O’Donnell supporter Jerry Wilson at Goldfish and Clowns is sick and tired of this argument:

[T]here was a ton of ammo used in the debate over the choice between Mike Castle and Christine O’Donnell in the Delaware senatorial primary. The division was sharp, with one side stating that no matter how liberal Castle’s voting record was, he was at least a Republican and apparently electable unlike krazee Christine, while the other insisted Castle was a no-go and O’Donnell was indeed a viable candidate. Neither side was inclined to give the other much credence, and the discussion became extremely toxic.
A seldom commented on element of this was how the Castle supporters had zero personal investment in him, while O’Donnell boosters often had a strong connection with her. . . .

You should go read the whole thing.

On a related topic: Who is Ned Ryun, and why is he attacking Tea Party candidates?

The Perils of Presidential Oratory

After yesterday’s epic rant against Obama’s pay-freeze speech, I still had lots of snark left over, so I wrote a 1,700-word column for The American Spectator:

President Obama gave a speech Monday, which isn’t particularly newsworthy in itself, as part of the president’s job is to be Speechgiver-in-Chief. But this speech was different, at least for me, simply because I listened to part of it.
Not listening to presidential speeches is a habit I developed during the Clinton administration in an effort to preserve my sanity. It was my wife who suggested this non-listening policy after she watched me seething with fury and muttering curses throughout Bill Clinton’s 1996 State of the Union address.
Presidential historians will recall that as Clinton’s “era of big government is over” speech. For me, it was the “lying two-faced bastard” speech. To list and refute every falsehood in that speech would require more words than I’m willing to expend on the effort. It would be easier to say, as Mary McCarthy said of Lillian Hellman, that every word is a lie, including “and” and “the.” . . .

Please read the whole thing, including Page 2.